Change the formula

Move a lever and re-run the department's FY2027 model across all 609 districts, against a current law that pays $7.28B, $879.0M of it guarantee money.

Levers

294 districts are held above what the formula computes for them.
Uncodified law, extended to FY2027 by H.B. 96, and a separate instrument from the guarantee above. It tops a district up to its FY2021 total, which already contained the guarantee — so it absorbs a cut to the guarantee rather than passing it through. The three readings price the same removal differently by an order of magnitude, and this control is which of them the figures on this page are.
A refresh of the FY2022 cost inputs to later prices is +3.95%.
Current model, FY2027: 10%. The plan was enacted with 5%.
How far from the FY2020 funding base toward the computed amount. At 0% a district receives its FY2020 base, not nothing.
Separate because R.C. 3317.022 writes two terms: in FY2022 the general percentage was 16.67% while DPIA's was 0%, which paid DPIA at its whole FY2019 amount.
How much of the poverty count is direct certification rather than the reported disadvantaged figure. At 0 it is the count the formula used before H.B. 96. The statewide total is held fixed, so this moves who gets it and not how much there is.
Per pupil at the top of the scale, a tenth of that at the eligibility threshold. H.B. 96 repealed the tier and left its test running, so current law is $0 and $750 is the schedule it was last paid on.
The minimum share of the calculated amount the state pays, whatever the district's own share. FY2027 is 50%, and the floor runs up the wealth distribution rather than down it.
FY2026 is the last observed year — leave it there for no forecast.

What these levers hold fixed, and one thing they deliberately do not

Ohio's formula contains statewide constants — the average base cost per pupil, the statewide poverty share, the median weighted wealth — that are computed once over all districts. The department's own calculator warns that they are not recalculated when a district's data changes. That is right for a tool where you change one district and everything else stays put. It is wrong here, where every lever moves all 609 at once and the statewide average is the first thing that would move.

So this model diverges from the department's on purpose. The cost input refresh lever scales base cost and the $812.5M of categorical funding priced in it — special education, English learners and career-technical are each a weight times the average base cost per pupil, so they rise mechanically when it does. The refresh priced in Counterfactual: H.B. 96 with FY2024 Cost Inputs — 3.95% on base cost — delivers $197.0M through base cost aid and $23.5M more through those three. Until recently this page delivered only the first.

Three things are still held still, for three different reasons. The two biggest categoricals — DPIA and targeted assistance, $1.89B together — divide a district's figure by a statewide one, so under a change that moves everything the numerator and denominator move together and genuinely cancel. Gifted is priced in stated salaries rather than in base cost; a refresh would move those too, but by their own amount, and scaling them by this factor would be a guess wearing the shape of an identity. And the weighted half of preschool special education, $45.7M, is denominated the same way but sits outside foundation funding — outside everything on this page, not held fixed within it.

What the levers move away from

Current law here is Am. Sub. H.B. 96 as enacted — signed 30 June 2025, phase-in at 100% in FY2027, base cost priced at FY2022. It pays $7.28B across 609 districts, $879.0M of it guarantee money. Both views of Change the formula start from it, so the act itself is their zero rather than one of their scenarios.

In What changes, every figure is a difference against it: the tiles, the distribution and the most-affected table all read zero with the controls untouched.

The bill's earlier stages are not lever positions. The corpus holds the executive proposal and the House-passed substitute, and neither can be dialed from here: a stage that suspends the formula and pays from a different base is a different formula, not a setting of this one. What each would have cost is on its own page, reported rather than run — and the three stages compared are on the act's page.

The corpus's worked scenarios start from the same act. Each argues one change in prose, with the figures it produced committed beside it; this runner is where you set your own.